Comparative negligence of a child Essay

So†¦what do you think about this defense? Do you think it’s viable? Are there other things to consider?   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   Unfortunately, it is a viable defense.   At least there are legal precedents and provisions for contributory negligence.   But i always that defense was mostly used in business to business contract disputes.   I thought it worked this way: if company A hires company B to do, say, a financial audit.   If company A doesn’t give B all of its records, and then sues them for giving the wrong audit position, then company contributed to the wrongdoing by NOT giving company B the records it needed. Also, considering that this is a 7 year old, the question becomes what 7 year old is beyond negligence.   As adults we have a higher responsibility than children.   I would say that only adults can truly be guilty of contributory negligence.   The main thing to consider is that the driver was drunk.   What could any 7 year old (or 17 or 70 year old) do to ward off a drunk driver.   If he lost control due to his drunkeness there was nothing that child could have done except stay in the house.   And that is unreasonable.   No jury should award in their favor or against the defendant. Pre-Judgment versus Post-Judgment Interest (Response Question) Make sense?   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   The interest makes sense.   What doesn’t make sense is that there is no precedent or clarification on how the interest is actually calculated.   That is where a good lawyer comes in.   He/she would have to specify how they want it done in the initial lawsuit.   I think that interest on awarded damages gives the recipient an opportunity to be compensated for the time it takes to complete the suit and transfer the money. After 4 years the interest really isn’t pocket money, it is just adjusting the award for inflation.   The other thing interest does is allow you to get more money than would normally be allowed in a particular type of lawsuit.   I think that courts should make uniform rules for the interest rate that can be awarded on specific cases, and set rules on how it will be calculated to prevent further bickering between the parties, and further appeals over the interest that has to be paid.

How Did the Tsar Survive the 1905 Revolution

Despite the failure of Russia in the war against Japan, the Tsarist regime survived the revolution . There are a number of reasons for this. One of the most importants reason is that Nicholas II was very thanks to his military force. By the end of January there were more than 400,000 workers out on strike. The 1905 Revolution was underway. For the rest of the year the government had little control of events, as strikes, demonstrations, petitions, peasent uprisisings, students riots, and assassinations became commonplace. The Tsar was â€Å"at war with his own people†. People wanted a change because Nicholas II reign saw Imperial Russia go from being one of the great powers of the world to an economic and military disaster. Nicholas approached the Russo-Japanese war with confidence and saw it as an opportunity to raise Russian morale and patriotism, paying little attention to the finances of a long-distance war. Shortly before the Japanese attack on Port Arthur, Nicholas held strong to the belief that there would be no war. Nicholas expected a final victory. Many people took the Tsar's confidence; believing him to be completely impervious As Russia continued to face defeat by the Japanese, the call for peace grew. Nicholas's own mother, urged Nicholas to open peace negotiations. Despite the efforts for peace, Nicholas remained evasive. It was not until 27–28 March and the annihilation of the Russian fleet by the Japanese, that Nicholas finally decided to pursue peace. People had no more faith in the Tsar that lost to a country much more little than his own. In September after the peace treaty with Japan, thousands of troops were now free to help put down the unrest in European Russia. The government paid them all their back pay and promised better conditions of service so that they would remain loyal to the Tsar. The Tsar had the choice of giving in or using force. He gave in and issued the October Manifesto on the 30 October 1905. This promised: -A Parliament or Duma elected by the people – Civil rights-e. g.  Freedom of speech and conscience – Uncensored newspapers and the right to form political parties. The liberal and middle classes believed they had won democratic government. They stopped their protests and supported their government. By December, with all the troops back in Russia, the Tsar felt strong enough to take back the control. He used force to close down the St Petersburg Soviet and crush an arm uprising in Moscow. He sent out troops to take revenge on workers and peasants who had rioted and bring them under control. The political parties that were against the Tsar were very much, and probably if they had formed only one or two the Tsar would have not survived the 1905 Revolution. All the political parties wanted to defeat the Tsar but they wanted to defeat him themselves and not other political parties. Nicholas thought that he, as Tsar, ruled through divine right from God. Some of his countrymen were embarrassed at the way Nicholas ruled Russia, and this affected his home life. He also thought that people who disagreed with him were traitors. Nicholas was then asked to resign. With much reluctance, he abdicated. He and his family were imprisoned. Eventually, all of them were brutally murdered. Their bodies were burned and then thrown into an empty shaft. The Tsar had various reasons why he survived and probably without the help of the military the Tsar would have been defeated in no time, and if the people that were against the Tsar were a bit more intelligent they could have won.

Criminal Law Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Criminal Law - Assignment Example Common law has fundamental roots from judicial and customs precedents and not statutes. It forms part of English law that mostly contrasts statutory law. Common law relates to English law modified and adopted differently by federal governments (Casenotes and Briefs 77). Mores describes the conventions and identifiable customs of the community. Mores relates to habits, ways of life or traditions embraced by the community. Mores defines the moral attitudes acceptable in an individual society. Stare a decisi relates to the doctrines of precedent in the creation of legal principle of determining points in a lawsuit. It defines the principles of law on which the court used to rest an erstwhile decision. Statute law, as opposed to customary or oral law, refers to written laws by legislators and legislatures. Legislators write statute laws in monarchy states. Legislative rules prescribe, declare, or commands specific requirements. Substantive Criminal law relates to written rulings that explain the duties and rights in criminal and civil law. States can enact substantive criminal law by initiative processes (Cole, Smith, and DeJong 75). It includes component items that usable to qualify and make a case as a crime. It involves breach of the constitution. They include an act involving physical action and criminal intent. Winning criminal trials involves proving that an element of necessity is absent. Bill of Attainder is a statutory act imposing punishment on an individual or a group of easily recognizable individuals. In most instances, decision on treason is executed without trial. The American constitution prohibits

Develop Assignment Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Develop - Assignment Example This includes those functioning in learning & memory, motivation & appreciation and inhibitory regulation over character. Because drug abuse and addiction comes in many ways and interfere with one’s personal life, treatment is difficult. Proper treatment programs involve many components. The components are specific to aspects of the illness and its effects. Treatment must help the victim stop using drugs, maintain a normal lifestyle and become a productive individual in the society, at work and with family. As addiction is a chronic illness, individuals cannot just seize using drugs shortly and be cured. Most victims need prolonged or continuous care to achieve the main goal of sustainable recovery from addiction. When a person is fighting with drug addiction, sobriety may be a difficult goal to achieve. However, recovery is a viable option. It never depends on the situation or failures. Everyone is susceptible to change given the correct treatment, care and appropriate examination of the root causes (John, 2011). Many individuals with a struggle in dealing with addiction, the first step mainly for the addicts remains to be the decision to seek for change. Conflict in the choices an individual makes the biggest and the most vital step towards recovery of drug and substance abuse. There are several things, which the individual requires to comprehend before embarking on recovery phase. Commitment remains the absolute solution for the recovery phase. The activities requiring change include: People with addiction problems may view themselves as not ready for the required change of quitting. Several factors require comprehension before the individual is ready to change. The process is usually a long-term thing and requires time. Commitment, motivation and support are the most vital key factors require consideration. Upon contemplation there are several points that an individual can rely on to achieve full recovery, these are: The change

Comparison between one selected alternative procurement strategy Essay

Comparison between one selected alternative procurement strategy against the traditional lump sum contract - Essay Example There have been many developments in the field of procurement management over the years. Partnering, Construction Management, Management Contracting , Built-Operate-Transfer / Public Private Partnership, Guaranteed Maximum Price etc are some of the commonly used procurement strategies. With this background, the present essay discusses and compares differences in the procurement of management Contracting and the traditional lump sum contracting. The main tasks of the procurement professional are to assess and choose material suppliers based on accessibility, dependability and cost in order to find the good quality products (or services) at the best feasible value (Marsh, 2000). In an online article-Supply and Demand Chain Executive, October, 2003- the author remarks that "while procurement is a critical business function for virtually every company, senior management often misunderstands it. In general, procurement is usually viewed as a cost center, which can only be marginally improved through the application of information technology" (Smith, 2003). Irrespective of the developments in the field, there are some problems and challenges that many companies still are confronted with in the area of procurement management. ... The failure to establish pricing agreements for certain suppliers; Lack of accessibility to contract information; Inability to perceive the supplier performance and reliability based on contract terms; Comparison between Management Contracting Lump-sum Contracts A lump sum contract refers to a kind of fixed price contract where the buyer comes to a fair deal with the provider (or seller) by agreeing to pay a fixed total amount for a well-defined product (Chen, 2001). In other words, while payment is the common factor between these two contract types, differences prevail in terms of the payment modes that can be fixed or contract-based regarding the former, but have to be fixed when it comes to the latter. Whereas management contracting is an arrangement under which a separate enterprise performs the managerial functions of the principal enterprise in exchange of payment. It involves a wide range of functions including the operational functionalities of the enterprise, production, accounting, marketing, and so on (Procurement practice guide, 2008). It is suitable for fast track projects, complex buildings, and a developing brief. However, it perform less in areas characterized by inexperienced clients, cost certainty before starting construct ion, and clients wanting to pass risk to the contractor. These two types of procurement strategies can be further compared and contrasted in with the major points such as organizational structure, contractual relationships, risk control mechanism, and Suitability criteria and the impacts on the project outcomes. Organizational structure While payment being the common factor between management contract and the traditional lump sum contract, there are several other aspects in which the two can differ as well. In order to

Article summary Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 750 words

Summary - Article Example finally that CBPR would seek balance between community members and researchers/practitioners through shared co-teaching, leadership, co-learning opportunities and therefore benefit from the expertise of both community practitioners and researchers. Participatory action research was suitable for this patient population because this kind of research is especially appropriate for public health nurses working with populations and communities since it offers a framework that builds upon local community knowledge, enabling the public health nurses as well as their community partners to be sensitive not only to the culture but also ecological context. Secondly participatory action research also serves as a useful guide in development of programs suitable for promoting healthy communities and health equality. Thirdly, this kind of research also allows socio-cultural contexts, systems, and meaning to emerge through a collaborative process between community members and public health nurses. Fourthly, early research in substance use provided a firm foundation for community participation .Participation action research is also very important in the acquisition of local community’s knowledge of substance nonuse and use so as to provide a richer understanding of the health-related needs and assets of the community, environment and circumstances surrounding substance-related illness and health, population and community conditions, beliefs, attitudes as well as traditions directed toward substance nonuse or use-related health risk behaviors. Some of the unique benefits of this study revolve around the unique strategies utilized in the community participation such as mapping (Geographic Information Systems) (GIS), and Photovoice (picture-taking by members of the community as well as researchers and practitioners).GIS as a tool enables assessment and analysis of the ecological context of a population together with phenomena such as youth substance nonuse and use within a

Lifestyle and Health Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1750 words

Lifestyle and Health - Essay Example This is so for the different elements of the physical body generally work in harmony with each other to maintain a good health, but this can only be possible if a healthy lifestyle is maintained (World Book Encyclopedia, 1994). Positive lifestyle factors can hugely improve the state of health of the individual. The World Book Dictionary defines health as that state of being well or not sick. Hodal (2005) further asserts that this should also encompass the optimal state where the physical, mental and social well being of the individual is attained. There should be a more holistic approach in considering health. There should be an interrelation among the different aspects of the human body, including the lifestyle, to achieve the optimum state of health (Hodal, 2005). Everyone has always been told to eat a healthy diet. What does this proposition really entail Having a healthy diet means eating the right food and feeding the body with the essential minerals, vitamins, proteins, fats and carbohydrates that are crucial for an individual to properly function (Hodal, 2005). Food is needed to support the body. Food is needed to make one healthy. Food is also part of the lifestyle of any individual. This is why any food, particularly eating the healthy diet, is one big chunk in the positive lifestyle factors and a necessary element to fight off nutritional diseases like obesity or extreme fatness (World Book Encyclopedia, 1994). Being active and mobile are also essential to health. It was declared not too long ago that one epidemic that is threatening Asians is the diabetes (Zabriskie, 2002). Diabetes, once it has invaded the body, cannot anymore be eradicated; the adverse effects, however, can still be avoided (Zabriskie, 2002). The best solution so far, to control the disease is to have an active. It was further pointed out by Zabriskie (2002) that having a healthy diet, lots of exercise, seeking regular check ups and controlling the weight are important elements in the lifestyle of a person, especially for the diabetic. It is truly undeniable that a healthy lifestyle is needed to improve on the health and whole being of the individual. In much the same way, the negative lifestyle factors also have a major impact on the health of an individual. It was shown that there are behavioural and social issues that can really threaten the healthy state of the body of the individual (Lyons and Langille, 2000). Before, society is concerned with the threat of infectious diseases; today the main concern is the hazard of leading unhealthy lifestyles (World Book Encyclopedia, 1994). There are many negative factors that people imbibed in their daily life like smoking, overeating, drinking, lack of sleep and lack of exercise. Such stressful behaviours can affect the overall body of the person and lead to ailments and health problems (National Women's Health Resource Center, 2006). Obesity is one health problem that people today are facing. This is a significant problem that has come about because of unhealthy and poor diet. It was found that the average American diet is high in salt, sugar and fat, characteristic of foods that encourage obesity (Smith and Pergola, 2002). Experts also declared that there is a sudden threat of diabetes in Asia and it has been tagged as the 'silent killer' (Zabriskie, 2002). This was generally attributed to the drastic and negative lifestyle change among Asians. Eating mainly Western cuisine, drinking

Compare & Contrast Jakob and Wilhelm Grimm Cinderella, Ever After and Essay

Compare & Contrast Jakob and Wilhelm Grimm Cinderella, Ever After and Disney's Cinderella - Essay Example The Brothers Grimm, Jakob and Wilhelm, were the first to put the age-old story of a poor little princess turned pauper turned princess to paper as a means of preserving the rich oral history of their German homeland in the early 1800s. Because their original intention was not to write children’s stories, but to preserve folktales, there remain traces within Cinderella that hint of a darker past. Also, because the story was written during a time of strong Christian morality, the stories contain a blatant religious overtone – including the beginning when Cinderella is told by her dying mother that her responsibility in life is to â€Å"be good and pious.† The step-sisters in this version are beautiful to look upon, but the brothers describe them as â€Å"vile and black of heart.† In portraying Cinderella, the Grimm brothers go into great detail regarding Cinderella’s grief over the loss of her mother and include a magical hazel tree in which a white b ird perches and delivers to Cinderella any of the wishes she expresses. It was with the help of the little bird in the hazel tree that Cinderella was able to be outfitted properly for the first of a three day festival and dance. In this case, she was forced to leave the dance three times, once by jumping through a pigeon house, once by climbing a tree and the third time, she finally left behind a golden, rather than a glass, slipper. The prince twice picked up the wrong sister to be his bride after they each had mutilated their own foot in order to fit into the slipper, but the bird at the grave continued to warn him. On her wedding day, the two false sisters were punished by the birds by having their eyes plucked out one at a time, suffering blindness forever afterward. This is a gruesome tale compared to that presented by Walt Disney in 1950. Here the step-sisters have become as unfortunate-looking as they are in spirit, both mean and

Innovation & Chnage in Nursing Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1500 words

Innovation & Chnage in Nursing - Essay Example Cultivating an understanding of the process of professional change can also prove essential towards the objective of increasing workplace diversity. (Friday & Friday, 2003) There are many phases to the process of change, considerable research on the process having been described by Lewin, (1951) who elucidated in a psychological context of the stages of change, of which the movement phase is the second one. Which follows unfreezing, and is then in turn is followed by a phase of a re-freezing. (Lewin, 1951) Complexities and pitfalls exist both in terms of operational behavior as well as personal beliefs. During the implementation of organizational change a critical phase in the process is what is described as the movement phase. The goal of this phase in a professional organization is to enable and encourage the employees to find ways to embrace a new vision that the organization will need to develop. Each nurse, or employee in general must look within themselves and find ways that th ey can make the new direction of the organization work for them, in their specific situation and job description. A series of short term limited steps may be required to facilitate the transition between older modes of operation. Short term goals should be set to encourage the replacement of outdated methods in favor of movement towards the higher objective of an effective organizational transition. Kotter and associates have also proposed an explanation of the step-wise change process, by which the three overarching objectives can be translated into smaller steps for a smoother transition. (Kotter, 1996), (MLDC, 2010) Adequate planning and goal-setting are essential to coordinate the changes occurring within the organization, and how all personnel will be required to implement their part of the changes. Short-term goals will include accommodation for likely sources of resistance, as well as tactics necessary to overcome those sources. Among these short-term goals to facilitate the movement phase, it is important to remove psychological barriers. (Kotter, 1996) Objects and artifacts that may symbolize the older operational process, or tools that are specifically applicable to prior goals and values should be removed without delay, unless such articles are essential in the hospital's new operational strategy. Anything that can function as a psychological 'anchor', reminding nurses and other employees of prior goals and outdated standards must be replaced. All employees should be reminded of the potential of the new recommendations and their promise for the future. This transition can be assisted by the implementation of 'short-term wins', to demonstrate ongoing progress towards the ultimate goal. Target dates for measurable changes are helpful. Short-term steps in the right direction must clearly communicated throughout the hospital, and higher staff should be made available to assist employees with the implementation, and modification of benchmarks, if necessa ry. The medical employees responsible for implementing the changes should certainly be included in planning meetings; if those operational changes would affect them, or make additional demands. These objectives must be readily achievable. They should clearly contribute to the new direction of the organization. The exact structuring of these benchmarks may be eased by looking at prior instances in which the organization needed

Contemporary ethical theory of Haidt Essay Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1250 words

Contemporary ethical theory of Haidt - Essay Example In Haidt’s paradigm, intuitions are primary in making human moral judgments; moral reasoning only does the labor of a lawyer, which provides justification for an already taken point of view. In other words, moral judgments are taken without a judge who could have weighed all considerations impartially. And, the only ones who are capable of making moral judgments based on moral reasoning are professional philosophers and such ilk. Needless to say, it is more than an elitistic argument as ordinary people too face many ethical challenges in their lives but attend them with considerable force of moral reasoning. The purpose the paper is to weigh the arguments of Haidt in favor of social intuitionism and counter-arguments by Pizarro and Bloom against each other to have better understandings of the ways moral judgment functions. Intuitions, Reasoning and Moral Judgments Haidt introduced and formulated the social intuitionist model as an alternative to the rationalist model of moral thought. He considers that intuitions as paramount in moral judgments as they are automatic affective reflexes. Moral reasoning is a chicken and egg question that attempts to find what determines moral judgments. Haidt argues that judgments are based on spontaneous intuitions while moral reasoning has only the role of justifying. In other words, moral reasoning is just the spokesperson of the moral judgments. ... Since it is social model, it cannot â€Å"deemphasizes the private reasoning done by individuals and emphasizes instead the importance of social and cultural influences† (Haidt, 814). More than moral reasoning, moral judgment takes place as a result of spontaneous intuition based evaluations. A moral judgment is often immediate and spontaneous; moral reasoning just follows it. It means after reaching at a moral judgment only, people look forward for moral reasons. Many of the laboratory researches have shown that human beings are actually governed by the forces of their unconscious when they pronounce moral judgments. Still, it is necessary to look at the role played by rational deliberations and the cognitive abilities in directing moral judgments. Moreover, people actually engage in moral reasoning while they confront ethical dilemmas. No moral judgments are taken all of a sudden and forever. The rationalist model, according to Haidt, portrays that â€Å"moral knowledge and moral judgment are reached primarily by a process of reasoning and reflection† (814). Here, moral emotion could play only a lesser role by adding some inputs to the process of moral reasoning. Simply speaking, the rationalist model assumes that every human being plays a role of judge while pronouncing is/her own moral judgments. Social intuitionism has many philosophical underpinnings as it is at the core philosophical thought. Haidt asserts that â€Å"[i]ntuitionism in philosophy refers to the view that there are moral truths and that when people grasp these truths they do so not by a process of ratiocination and reflection but rather by a process more akin to perception† (814). Here a person sees a thing and adopt a position without critically engaging

Geoffrey Chaucer’s the Wife of Bath Essay Example for Free

Geoffrey Chaucer’s the Wife of Bath Essay â€Å"The Wife of Bath’s Prologue and Tale explore many aspects of patriarchy – and sometimes reveal surprising attitudes within the tale and prologue.† Discuss. Geoffrey Chaucer’s the Wife of Bath is a text which is interwoven with references to Patriarchy and unanticipated attitudes towards the social backdrop in which it was created. Written in a period where males dominated the hierarchy, Chaucer through the Wife portrays the reversal of traditional roles, and a sense of rebellion and feministic instincts which at the time appeared extraordinary: â€Å"His poetic sensibility, combined with an immense understanding about men and women, enabled him to survey the life about him with such imaginative insight and power. † (Bennet 74) Throughout the Canterbury Tales, Chaucer speaks with remarkable authority on a huge range of subjects. This is perhaps made possible by the assortment of characters from all areas of society which travel on the pilgrimage. Alisoun’s character is perhaps best encapsulated in the manner of her entrance to the Tales. Clothed in the finest garments, her â€Å"hosen weven of fyn scarlet need†, well-travelled and â€Å"carteyn so wroth†, the Wife: â€Å"Strides into the Canterbury Tales on a large horse, spurs jangling, and ready to assert herself in a company made up almost entirely of men†¦ She is a medieval housewife who is not just going to star in a story, she is going to tell it.† (Reading the Wife’s Prologue and Tale) A far cry from the meek and submissive maidens so often portrayed in classic literature and fables prior to this; the Wife is independent, liberated and outspoken. The Wifes’ relationship to the men in her life is often one of total domination and manipulation. She enjoys â€Å"maistyre† over her male counterparts: Unne the mught they the statut holde In which that they were bounden un to me Ye woot wel what I mean of this, pardee! As help me God, I laughe whan I thynke How piteously a- nyght I made hem swynke. The Wife governs many aspects of her husbands’ lives, and rules with special sovereignty in the bedroom. Her sexual powers are and obvious source of seduction and control over her lovers. Very much a humanistic text, the Canterbury Tales constantly remind the reader of the complexity of the human character. One example of this could be the Knight, the embodiment of â€Å"chivalrye, Trouthe and honour, freedom and curteisye† in the hierarchy of society at the time. At first he appears to fit the specification perfectly. The however subtle passing motion which slightly removes the Knight from this brave and righteous tradition is left with us when he is described as â€Å"meke as a mayde†. Chaucer understood the depth of personality in each individual, and that a stereotype is never applicable. His characters almost always only very nearly fit the stereotype, and leave us scope to remain unconvinced about the rest. This refusal to comply with what many would describe as the one dimensional and traditional Fairytale characters allows for the issues of patriarchy to be discusses liberally. Interestingly, even at points of text which reflect a relaxed and conversational tone, the Wife constantly feels the requirement to reemphasise and argue her point with references to astrology and biblical references. These biblical references however are often contorted to suit the Wife’s requirement in the argument. For example the term from Genesis 1:22,28 â€Å"Go forth and multiply† is used as an excuse for the remarriage of the wife. This control and knowledge of the Church’s text represent a disregard to Patriarchal structures at many levels. The male governed Church, with its male oriented texts and belief systems for the Wife especially represent the oppression of men. For Alisoun the structures of literature, religion and authority are connected in that they represent male dominance. The Wife of Bath however cannot be totally classified as a pro feminist character. At many levels her dishonest, manipulative nature reinforces the common negative conceptions of anti- feminism at the time. Hansen (cited in Beidler) claims that this anti-feminist discourse mentioned above is less of a product of archness towards patriarchal literature. â€Å"Instead she is trapped in a ‘prison house’ of anti-feminist discourse. She is unable to see that her tactics simply reinforce all the stereotypical Medival ideas about women as cruel, emotional, and sexually voracious. Chaucer therefore is seen as reinforcing antifeminist views rather than undermining them.† Alisoun provides a vessal through which thousands of years of antifeminist literature are regurgitated with a revised purpose and tone of archness. One example of this method comes in Alisoun’s first words to the group, a repeat of earlier rhetoric (Awkroyd): Expeience, though no autoritee, Were in this world, is right ynogh for me To speak of woe that is in marriage. Peter Awkroyd (2005) believes that Chaucer â€Å"uses much of the antifeminist literature of the period but, by placing it in the Wife’s capacious mouth, he lends it a new and ironic lease of life.† The Wife’s five marriages on the outset portray a sense of calculated systematic marrying for the advancement of wealth and power. However, it could be argued that Alison was more than simply a ruthless professional. There are arguments that the fourth, and especially the fifth husband Jenkin, captured her love and stood in more than equal stead with their spouse: â€Å"That al myn herte I yaf unto his hold/ He was, I trowe, a twenty winter oold, and I was fourty.† Although the true love described by Chaucer at first appears conformal to the description of traditional literature, as often the case in the Tales, there is a cause for disease. In this case the context in which the romance begins, the burial ceremony of husband number four, Alisoun covets the younger page boy and her future husband. In Jankin, Alisoun finds a man to which she is willing to submit. Cruel, abusive, manipulative this husband domineers the relationship, physically, emotionally and sexually. At this stage the once immovable opposition to patriarchy admits that he partner â€Å"so well koude he me glose†. Furthermore the Wife admits that it is this form of denial and subornation in a relationship which causes women to crave what they cannot have: â€Å"wait what†¦crave† The dictatorship of Jenkin is further developed by Minnis, who claims Jenkin: â€Å"read aloud to her (translating from his anthology of antifeminist texts – It could be said then that she has learned at home, from her husband – how acquiescent and submissive can one get?† (Minnis 249) The Wife of Bath’s Tale and Prologue, as a text which attempts to examine Patriarchy, the attitudes portrayed are purposely less definable. Often categorised as either a feminist or anti- feminist text, The Wife of Bath is a complex mixture between the two. Chaucer, as always does not provide specific or obvious attitudes to these hierarchies and relationships. Instead, like his characters he provides us with an insightful cross- section of the Patriarchal society in which he existed. Reference List Awkroyd, Peter. ‘The Tales of Canterbury.’ Chaucer. London: Vintage, 2005. 150 – 53. Beidler, Peter G. Geoffrey Chaucer: The Wife of Bath. New York: Bedford Books, 1996. Bennet, H.S. ‘Chaucer.’ Oxford History of English Literature: Chaucer and the Fifteenth Century. Ed. F.P Wilson and Bonamy Dobrà ©e. London: Oxford, 1947. 74 – 75. Minnis, Alastair. ‘Chapter 4 Gender as Fallibility.’ Fallible Authors: Chaucer’s Pardonerand Wife of Bath. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2008. 249. ‘Reading the Wife of Bath’s Prologue and Tale.’ York Notes Advanced: The Wife of Bath’s Prologue and Tale. London: Longman, 1998. 3 – 10.

Explaining Electoral Volatility In Latin America Politics Essay

Explaining Electoral Volatility In Latin America Politics Essay Abstract Many existing explanations of electoral volatility in Latin America have been tested at the country level, but they are largely untested at the individual party level. In this paper, I apply a hierarchical linear model (HLM) to test various explanations of electoral volatility on data of 128 parties in the lower house elections of 18 Latin American countries from 1978 to 2011. My most important finding pertains to the conditional effect of a partys incumbency status on electoral volatility. First, the results show that the effect of party age on reducing electoral volatility is stronger for incumbent parties. Second, an incumbent party has a lower level of electoral volatility than opposition parties during periods of stronger economic performance. Last, while an irregular alteration of political institutions is hypothesized to increase the level of volatility for all the parties in a country, the effect is more significant for the incumbent party. Explaining Electoral Volatility in Latin America: Evidence at the Party Level Introduction Concerns with party system institutionalization and its consequences in developing countries have grown in the past decade. Extant literature underscores that political parties play an important role in linking diverse social forces with democratic institutions, channeling societal demands, managing sociopolitical conflicts, holding government officials accountable to the electorate, and legitimizing the regime (Dix 1992; Sartori 1968; Schattschneider 1942). In this sense, political parties with stable and consistent support across elections not only ensure their long-term survival, but also help institutionalize the party system. A stable and institutionalized party system fosters more effective programmatic representation (Mainwaring and Zoco 2007, 157) and facilitates the institutionalization of political uncertainty (Przeworski and Sprague 1986). In contrast, a democratic country with a poorly institutionalized party system where electoral volatility is very high tends to produce populist leaders and discourage the incumbent party from making long-term policy commitments (Mainwaring and Scully 1995).  [1]   In comparison to Western Europe and the United States, the level of electoral volatility is exceptionally high in Latin America (Payne et al. 2002). In the 1990s, the overall electoral volatility in this region was about twice that in the developed world (Roberts and Wibbels 1999). Weak partisan identities of voters, rapid voting choice changes, and unpredictable election campaigns are prevalent political characteristics in this region (Baker, Ames, and Renno 2006), but what explains the variation in electoral volatility in Latin America? Previous work on electoral volatility has provided explanations about political institutions, national economic performance, social cleavages, ethnic heterogeneity, and historical factors (Hicken and Kuhonta 2011; Madrid 2005; Mainwaring and Zoco 2007; Roberts and Wibbels 1999; Tavits 2005). These explanations have been tested at the country level, but they are largely untested at the individual party level, even though that is the level at which th e effects of certain relevant explanatory factors are expected to work. Why do some parties have higher levels of electoral volatility than others? Do factors cause electoral volatility at the country level have the same impact on party level volatility? Does the incumbent party enjoy certain advantages that opposition parties do not have to secure electoral stability? This paper aims to address these questions by examining electoral evidence at the party level in Latin America. I generated a value of electoral volatility for each party between elections by performing Morgenstern and Potthoffs (2005) components-of-variance model on an original dataset of lower house electoral results at the district level for 128 parties in 18 Latin American countries from 1978 to 2011. I first demonstrate that the patterns of electoral volatility at the party-level differ from that at the country level. I then apply a hierarchical linear model (HLM) to test country-level, party-level, and cross-level hypotheses regarding why some parties are more electorally volatile th an others. The most important result of this study is that the incumbent parties and opposition parties have different behavioral patterns under certain conditions. Specifically, I find that a better national economic performance helps the incumbent party, rather than every party in the country, to reduce the level of electoral volatility. Moreover, I demonstrate that an irregular institutional change greatly increases the incumbent partys electoral volatility, rather than that of every party in the country. At the party level, I find that the effect of a partys incumbency status is contingent on certain party-specific characteristics. The results show that incumbent parties that were founded in earlier periods are generally less volatile than younger incumbent parties. These findings are robust after controlling for a variety of other explanatory factors that will affect electoral volatility, using a different sample of parties, or adopting a different model specification. In sum, relative to previous work, this study is distinctive in that it uncovers patterns of electoral volatility and provides a better understanding of the dynamics of party politics in new democracies. Why Study Party-level Electoral Volatility? I focus on party volatility in this paper, and I argue that examining electoral volatility at the party level facilitates a better understanding of the patterns of party development. In general, electoral volatility refers to the phenomenon in which voters switch voting choice in consecutive elections. Many previous have used the Pedersen Index  [2]  (Pedersen 1983) to operationalize the level of party system electoral volatility (Birch 2003; Kuenzi and Lambright 2001; Mainwaring 1999; Roberts and Wibbels 1999). However, as Mair (1997, 66) argues, aggregate volatility measurement such as the Pedersen Index explains little about the persistence or decay of political cleavages. Mainwaring et al. (2010) argue that the Pedersen Index fails to distinguish between the volatility caused by vote switches from one party to the other and the volatility caused by the entry and exit of parties from the political system. Morgenstern and Potthoffs (2005, 30) critique is that the Pedersen Index fails to account for the relative electoral movement of individual parties within the system; in other words, the Pedersen Index tells nothing about which party is more volatile than the others. This problematic feature may produce mistaken if not biased inferences. For instance, although the Pedersen Index indicates that Argentinas mean party system institutionalization is lower than that of Brazil and Mexico from the 1980s to the 2000s (Mainwaring and Zoco 2007, 159), it does not indicate that Argentinas electoral volatility is largely a result of the crisis of the Unià ³n Cà ­vica Radical (UCR) instead of the incumbent Partido Justicialista (PJ) (Levitsky 1998, 461). In short, aggregate electoral volatility is likely to mask patterns of party-level electoral volatility. The level of electoral volatility matters for a party because it is an important indicator of a partys long-term survival. Party volatility is also an indicator of party institutionalization (Dalton and Weldon 2007; Mainwaring and Scully 1995). According to Janda (1980, 26-7), an institutionalized party should have stable partisan support because it can secure stable representation by building strong and regular societal ties with the electorate. A more institutionalized party should have a lower level of electoral volatility and a higher probability to survive over time, and it also implies that this party has a stable, routinized organizational structure and/or supporters with strong partisanship (Levitsky 1998). As Randall and Svà ¥sand (2002) contend, a high level of party system institutionalization does not necessarily indicate that all the parties within the system have an equally high level of party institutionalization. In other words, it is not necessarily the case that a high level of country volatility implies that all the parties in this country are equally volatile between elections. Therefore, a more important research question needs to be addressed: Is a partys electoral volatility determined by country-level factors, features of the party, or both? In the next section, I will discuss and propose testable hypotheses for the empirical analyses. Explaining Party Volatility Party volatility considers the degree to which a partys average vote is stable across two consecutive elections. Previous studies about country-level electoral volatility have considered national economic performance, political institutions, and social structural factors as three competing theoretical explanations of electoral volatility. However, some of the tested hypotheses, particularly those regarding economic voting and institutional theories, are actually derived from behavioral patterns of individual parties. Thus, these hypotheses should be tested at a more appropriate level, that is, the party level. Unlike previous studies of electoral volatility that focus on country-level explanations, this paper focuses on explaining party-level volatility, and such a research design facilitates the testing of party-level, country-level, and cross-level hypotheses. In particular, I argue that the behavior of the incumbent party is different from opposition parties. Moreover, I contend that the effect of a partys incumbency status is contingent on certain factors. Next, I will discuss various competing theoretical arguments about party electoral volatility at different analytical levels. Party Age and Incumbency Status Previous studies have discussed how time affects electoral volatility at the country level. Roberts and Wibbels (1999) argue that an older system is likely to have deeper and stronger historical roots in society than younger ones. Therefore, the level of electoral volatility will decrease with the age of a party system. Adopting a similar approach, Mainwaring and Zoco (2007) propose a democratization timing explanation for why some party systems are more stable than others. The authors demonstrate that the level of democratic governance voters have experienced will affect the level of electoral volatility. In other words, what matters for accounting for stabilization of party competition is the timing when democracy began in the country. Voters in democracies that were created in earlier periods had stronger attachments to parties, so that can help forge stable patterns of party competition (Mainwaring and Zoco 2007, 163). In contrast, political elites in new democracies have less in centive to make efforts in party building, since they tend to depend on mass media and modern campaigns to win the elections. While Mainwaring and Zocos thesis sheds light on the relationship between democratic learning and party system stabilization, it ignores the variation of party age within a country. Clearly, old and young parties can exist in both old and new democracies in Latin America.  [3]  However, Mainwaring and Zocos argument might imply that party volatility will be higher in a newly-founded democracy, regardless of how old a party is in this country. To avoid this problematic inference, a more appropriate research strategy is to test Mainwaring and Zocos argument at the party level. Specifically, if Mainwaring and Zocos argument holds at the party level, we may expect that political parties that were founded in earlier periods will have lower levels of electoral volatility, because their supporters have much stronger partisan attachments than the supporters of younger parties. In contrast, younger parties will have higher levels of electoral volatility because the elites of these parties will have less incentive to delve into party building. Accordingly, the following hypothesis is generated: H1: A party that was founded in earlier periods will have a lower level of electoral volatility than a party that was founded later. The second testable hypothesis of this study is about a partys incumbency status. Some scholars argue that institutions such as states and parties might have their own strategic goals and behave as political actors in their own right (Cox and McCubbins 1993). While parties can be different in terms of various characteristics, whether or not a party is the presidents party is a crucial for explaining differences in party behavior. Incumbency advantage generally implies that incumbents are more likely to win an election than the counterpart nonincumbents (Erikson 1971; Mayhew 1974). Cox and Katz (1997) and Levitt and Wolfram (1997) decomposed the concept of incumbent advantage into three elements: (1) direct officeholder effect, such as opportunities for providing constituency services (Fiorina 1977; King 1991) and using legislative resources such as personal staff for performing casework (Cover and Brumberg 1982); (2) the ability of incumbents to scare off high-quality challengers (Kr asno and Green 1988); and (3) the generally higher quality of the incumbents due to their experiences and campaign skills (Fenno 1978). The literature on incumbent advantage provides useful insights for this study. Since presidency is often considered as an extraordinarily important political institution in Latin America (Mainwaring and Shugart 1997), it is expected that the presidents party has advantages that opposition parties do not have. In particular, the incumbent party is more likely to receive access to public funds and more capable in allocating targeted resources to secure its survival (Calvo and Murillo 2004). Although being an incumbent party does not necessarily indicate a higher probability of winning an election in the contemporary Latin American context, it is reasonable to expect that an incumbent party should have a more stable electoral performance than opposition parties. However, an incumbent party in a new democracy might not have a stable electoral performance under certain circumstances. The experience in Latin America suggests that, when a country is governed by a new party, the patterns of electoral competition will become more unstable. In Peru, Alberto Fujimoris self-coup in 1992 and the adoption of a new constitution in 1993 helped to dramatically increase votes for the incumbent Cambio 90 in the 1995 election. However, Fujimoris 40-point plunge in public approval ratings in mid-1997 (Roberts and Wibbels 1999, 586), and the demise of Fujimoris party in the 2000 and 2001 elections, not only suggest a high level of unpopularity of Fujimoris neoliberal structural reforms, but also a high level of fluid electoral preference when a country is governed by a new party. Although the effect of a partys incumbency status on party electoral volatility might not be clear, it is possible that this effect is conditional on other factors. In particular, if party age helps to reduce electoral volatility, it then makes sense that the effect should be stronger for the incumbent party. An incumbent party with an older age suggests that it not only has more access to use state resources to enhance its electoral competitiveness, but it also has stronger party organizations and members. Put differently, an older incumbent party might have a lower level of electoral volatility than a young incumbent party. Therefore, I generate the following hypothesis: H2: The effect of party age on reducing electoral volatility is stronger for an incumbent party. Incumbency, National Economy, and Institutional Change Besides the party-level hypotheses, I also test cross-level hypotheses to see whether the effect of a partys incumbency status is contingent on certain country-level factors. The first cross-level explanation concerns the interaction between incumbency and economy. Economic voting theory argues that some citizens will respond to the waxing and waning of the economy by shifting their votes to reward or punish incumbent parties and officeholders (Lewis-Beck 1988). In other words, electoral volatility is driven by voters retrospective evaluations of economic performance of the incumbent government. More specifically, economic hardship can be expected to increase electoral volatility by undermining the loyalties and support for the incumbent party and by increasing the opposition parties votes. By contrast, in a better economic climate, one would expect that people prefer to maintain the status quo by continuing to support the incumbent party so that electoral volatility decreases. The proposition that economic conditions shape election outcomes in democratic countries is robust for studies using individual survey data (Lewis-Beck and Stegmaier 2000). In contrast, analyses of electoral volatility at the country level find inconsistent evidence about economic voting. Remmer (1991; 1993) and Madrid (2005) demonstrate that economic performance has a significant impact on the level of electoral volatility in Latin America. The evidence in advanced democracies also shows that economic performance strongly shapes electoral volatility (Bischoff forthcoming). However, recent analyses of new democracies in post-communist Europe (Epperly 2011) and Africa (Ferree 2010) show that economic voting is not a crucial factor in explaining party system volatility. One possible explanation for these inconsistent findings pertains to the appropriateness of the level of analysis. Specifically, since economic voting theory suggests that national economic performance will affect the extent of vote switches between the incumbent party and opposition parties between elections, it is more appropriate and necessary to test this argument at the party level. If the economic voting argument holds, it is expected that the incumbent party will have a lower electoral volatility than opposition parties when the economic performance is better. Conversely, the incumbent party is expected to have a higher electoral volatility than the opposition parties when the economy is in crisis. Based on the logic of economic voting, I propose the following economic voting hypothesis on party volatility: H3: The incumbent party will have a lower level of electoral volatility than opposition parties when the national economy is better. The second cross-level explanation is about the interaction between incumbency and institutional change. As the literature of rational choice institutionalism indicates, institutions matter because political actors behavior is driven mainly by a strategic calculus facing the limitation and opportunities that particular institutional or organizational settings offer (Hall and Taylor 1996). The stable persistence of political institutions that regulate electoral competition helps political parties to socialize their voters over time, and upholds the legitimacy of a democratic regime. Therefore, a fundamental alteration or an irregular discontinuity in important political institutions is expected to have a shock effect on the competitive equilibrium of elections. Based on evidence from Latin American countries, Roberts and Wibbels (1999) and Madrid (2005) find that the electoral dynamics of a party system is greatly altered by the adoption of a new constitution, a significant enfranchisement, and/or irregular changes in the executive branch such as a presidential self-coup (autogolpe), or a forced resignation of the president. Although these dramatic and irregular alterations of existing institutions are found to increase electoral volatility at the country level, it makes sense that such shocks should also influence party-level electoral volatility. In particular, it is expected that such irregular institutional changes will increase the volatility of the incumbent party to a greater extent. Recent political developments in Latin America suggest that this hypothesis is reasonable. For instance, in Ecuador the adoption of a new constitution in 2008 helped the incumbent Alianza PAIS increase its level of voter support in the 2009 election. In contrast, irregular removal of presidents also leads to higher electoral volatility for incumbent parties, but in a negative direction. The 2009 Honduran coup dà ©tat with the removal of President Manuel Zelaya made his Partido Liberal de Honduras (PLH) suffer a significant loss in the election at the end of the year. Likewise, the resignation of President Alberto Fujimori in Peru in 2000 also led to an electoral fiasco for the governing Cambio 90-Nueva Mayoria. Based on the discussion above, I propose the following hypothesis: H4: The incumbent party will have a higher level of electoral volatility than opposition parties after a shock of an irregular institutional discontinuity. Alternative Explanations of Party Volatility In the empirical analysis, I control for a number of factors that are likely to affect party volatility. At the party level, I control for the size of a party. Party size may influence the stability of electoral performance. The literature of legislators party switching suggests that larger parties in the legislature are more attractive to potential party switchers because they generally have more political influence (Desposato 2006; Heller and Mershon 2008). Therefore, it is possible that a larger party should have a lower level of electoral volatility because it is more attractive to voters who are unwilling to waste their votes on parties with little chance to win the elections. However, it is also possible that smaller parties, especially those with strong regional base, may have low electoral volatility. It is because such parties are able to sustain their survival by securing a small but strong portion of the electorate over time. At the country level, I control for party system fragmentation and ethnic fractionalization. First, according to Pedersen (1983), electoral volatility increases with the number of parties in a system because a greater number of parties suggests that the ideological difference between the parties is small so that voters tend to switch their votes from one party to another between elections. In addition, party system fragmentation will destabilize democratic regimes because it tends to inhibit the construction of inherent legislative majorities (Roberts and Wibbels 1999, 578). Although the hypothesis of party system fragmentation has only been tested at the country level in previous literature (Bartolini and Mair 1990; Birch 2003; Roberts and Wibbels 1999; Tavits 2005), it is possible that a fragmented party system will increase electoral volatility at the party level. Another factor that may explain electoral volatility is social cleavages. Madrid (2005, 3) observes that the theoretical expectation that stronger ethnic cleavages help stabilize party systems (Lipset and Rokkan 1967) presumes that parties will provide quality representation of distinct ethnic groups and establish strong linkages with them. In Latin America, this expectation does not hold since most party systems have been composed principally of catch-all parties that have drawn support from a variety of social groups. Because minority ethnic groups would not feel well-represented under this context, the level of electoral volatility tends to be higher since it is unlikely for them to form strong partisan identities (Birnir and Van Cott 2007; Madrid 2005). In short, it is expected that Latin American parties in a highly ethnically fragmented social context will have higher levels of electoral volatility. Last, following previous studies of country-level electoral volatility (Roberts and Wibbels 1999; Tavits 2005; Madrid 2005), I control for a trend factor of party electoral volatility in the model. In a cross-sectional time-series design, Trend controls for the potential problem of spurious correlation when the values of the dependent variable and the independent variables vary independently but in a consistent direction over time. Measurement and Data The unit of analysis in this research is party-elections-country (e.g. Partido dos Trabalhadores 1994-1998 in Brazil). My conception of the dependent variable requires the collection of legislative electoral returns at the district level across time, differentiated by party or party coalition.  [4]  The data include 128 parties in the lower house elections of 18 Latin American countries from 1978 to 2011 (N=527).  [5]  Most district-level electoral data are compiled from official electoral results on the website of each countrys electoral administrative body.  [6]  For the countries that were democratized later in the 1980s or in the 1990s, only the elections after the first democratic election were included.  [7]  Since Latin American countries have different timing of democratization and term length, the data structure of this analysis is unbalanced. A party is selected for the analyses if the party once obtained more than 5% of votes in any legislative election hel d between 1978 and 2011 in the country. This selection criterion ensures the inclusion of a diversity of parties. To generate the value of party volatility, I adopted Morgenstern and Potthoffs (2005) components-of-variance model on district-level data between two consecutive legislative elections held within the same constituency border.  [8]  One major advantage of this components-of-variance model is that it simultaneously takes into account various features of a partys electoral performance when generating the value of party volatility. Specifically, Morgenstern and Potthoffs model enables the calculation of three components of a partys vote share in a particular election: volatility, district heterogeneity, and local vote. While Morgenstern and his colleagues have used the latter two components for the research about party nationalization (Morgenstern and Swindle 2005; Morgenstern, Swindle, and Castagnola 2009), I focus on the first component, i.e., party electoral volatility, in this paper. The volatility score assigned for each observation is a continuous variable with values that rang e from 0 to à ¢Ã‹â€ Ã… ¾, where higher numbers indicate a higher level of electoral volatility for the party. My primary party-level independent variables are Incumbency, Party age, and Incumbency*Party age. Incumbency is a dichotomous variable, measuring whether a party was the presidents party in two consecutive elections. Following Mainwaring and Zoco (2007), I measure Party age as the natural log of the number of years from the year when the party was officially founded to the year of 2011. The value of this variable does not vary over time, but is constant for all electoral periods for a given party. The interaction term, Incumbency*Party age, examines whether the effect of a partys age on volatility is contingent on a partys incumbency status. To test the economic voting hypothesis, I use two economic indicators: GDP growtht1 and Inflationt1.  [9]  GDP growtht1 is lagged by one year to capture the short term economic impact on volatility. Inflation rate is operationalized as the logged value of the inflation rate for the year before the election year. The logged inflation rate is used to prevent cases of hyperinflation from skewing the results.  [10]  To test whether the effect of the national economy on party volatility is conditional on a partys incumbency status, I include two interaction terms: Incumbency*GDP growtht1 and Incumbency*Inflationt1. In addition, to test whether a shock of institutional alteration will affect the incumbent party to a greater extent, I include two variables: Institutional discontinuity and Incumbency*Institutional discontinuity. I use the index constructed by Roberts and Wibbels (1999) to measure institutional discontinuity. The index ranges from 0 to 3, assigning one point to each of the following types of discontinuities: the adoption of a new constitution; an increase in voter turnout of more than 25 percent due to the enfranchisement of new voters; and an irregular change in executive authority, including a presidential self-coup (autogolpe), a forced resignation of the president, the ouster of the president due to impeachment, or a failed coup dà ©tat attempt when the president was temporarily ousted from the office.  [11]   Finally, I control for several party-level and country-level variables in the model. Party size is measured as the vote share of the party in the previous election.  [12]  Party system fragmentationt1 is measured as the index of the effective number of parties (ENP) (Laakso and Taagepera 1979), lagged by one election.  [13]  Ethnic Fragmentation is measured as Fearons (2003) ethnic fractionalization index. Last, the variable Trend is measured as the number of years since the first election in which a party participated. Estimation Techniques To test the hypotheses about party-level electoral volatility, I employ a hierarchical linear model (HLM) on my three-level data. The three-level model is specified as a level-1 submodel that describes how each party changes over time, a level-2 submodel that describes how these changes differ across parties, and a level-3 model that describes how parties and changes differ across countries. An attractive feature of a multilevel models is its ability to model cross-level interactions in the estimation. Another important advantage of the HLM approach is being able to account for both fixed effects and random effects. In this study, the fixed-effects coefficients and parameters of the HLM estimate a regression line that describes the sample of parties as a whole, while the random-effect parameters reflect variation across parties and variation across countries. Application of the HLM in this study will specify three different levels of analysis: The level-1 submodel represents the rela tionship of time-varying characteristics on party volatility, the level-2 model will incorporate party-level effects that are fixed over time, and level-3 will introduce country-level effects that are fixed over time. I estimate the model using restricted maximum likelihood estimation (REML). In contrast to full MLE estimation, REML takes into account the degrees of freedom consumed by estimation of the fixed effects by eliminating fixed effects from the likelihood fu

Effectiveness of Restorative Justice Interventions

Effectiveness of Restorative Justice Interventions Restorative justice is a holistic philosophy and a concept as it encompasses the offender, the victim and the society in which the offence was committed. It aims to bring a conclusive end to the offence committed by making some type of reparations for the malice inflicted, the hurt caused and the deepening of the urge to re-offend. Restorative justice, although a part of the criminal justice process, is not a part of the criminal justice system as one of its goals it to alleviate the damage caused by the criminal justice system on the offender and the victim. There are many explanations of the concept of restorative justice (Zehr, 1990, 1997; Van Ness, 1996; Van Ness Strong, 1997; Sherman Strong, 2007; Amour et al, 2008). This shows that the concept remains hard to define (McCold, 1999; Brazemore Schiff, 2001; Latimer et al, 2005; Pranis, 2007). However, at a United Nations Convention, a working definition was adopted and titled the Marshall Definition (McCold, 1999; Newell, 2002) the following is his definition: Restorative justice is a process whereby parties with a stake in a specific offence collectively solve how to deal with the aftermath of the offence and its implications for the future (Marshall, 1999). Mier (1998), attempts to define restorative justice without any reference to two of the circles namely the victim and society. In a later definition Menkel-Medow (2007) acknowledges Marshalls definition but attempts to be more concise: restorative justice in its most idealised form attempts to repair, restore, reconcile and rei ntegrate offenders and victims to each other and to their shared community. However, the United Nations and the Council of Europe have agreed that there are differences in the terminologies and ideologies on restorative justice (Roche, 2001; Mier et al, 2001; Johnstone et al, 2006). With or without an accurate definition the concept of restorative justice has been in use since the early 1970s in Canada and after became widely used and identified with; Victim offender mediation (VOM), conferencing, circles, victim assistance, ex-offender assistance, restitution and community service. Whereas retributive/criminal justice focuses on punishment, the restorative paradigm emphasizes accountability, healing, and closure (Umbriet, 1998) and looks at the offence as on the person and not on the state. One of the major consequences of restorative justice is the healing or closure for the victim of the offence. For too long the victim was made to suffer the offence many times over in the criminal justice system and in some cases feel a level of disrespect, as the case was dragged through court, this caused the victims to run that gauntlet of emotions over again and sometimes being unable to cope with those feelings they skip hearings or even cause the case to be quashed letting the offender go free and feeling that he had the advantage (Graef, 2000; Herman Webster, 2005; Newell cited in Edgar, 2002.; Menkle-Medow, 2007; YJB, 2008) In the criminal justice system the victim is hardly ever given an opportunity to explain how the have been impacted by the offence and sometimes are not even given the chance to meet their offender in court, this can cause repression of emotions and further scaring, they are given very few real opportunities to become an active participant in the court pr ocess because the criminal justice system is all about the offender and not the victim (Herman Webster, 2005; Umbreit 1998; YJB, 2008). In restorative justice the emphasis ideally should be on all three sections relating to the offence; the victim, the offender and the society/community (Newell, 2002; Schiff, 2007; Marshall 1999) surrounding the offence, however a little more emphasis is placed in many cases on the victim, this type of mediation (Graef, 2000) makes the victims feel that they are an important factor (Graef, 2000; Crawford et al, 2003; Herman Webster, 2005; Angel, 2005; Kubanzky, 2007 cited in Sherman Strang, 2007). With restorative justice the victim feels a since of vindication understanding the reasons, if any, behind why they were targeted for the offence which sometimes lead to an understanding that this will not happen to them again, at least not by the hands of the same offender and that they were not the cause of the offence being inflicted upon them (Umbri et, 1998; Graef, 2000; Herman Webster, 2005; Green 2007). As a result of restoration the victim is able to put a face to the crime and not be assailed with the fear that the culprit is still out there; watching them; even living next door to them or possibly a friend, they are more satisfied with the result (McCold et al 1998; Strang 2002; Sherman Strang 2007; Tudor, 2002.). The victims feel comfortable and are able to reintegrate themselves into society as a productive member (Umbriet, 1998; Marshall 1999; Graef, 2000). In cases where the victim is allowed to decide the retribution of the offender they can feel a sense of justice as the sentence is exactly what they want in order to feel retribution for the crime committed this assists in repairing the harm caused (Herman Webster, 2005; Schiff, 2007). Restorative justice is seen in these cases to be much more rehabilitative than any correctional programme in the criminal justice system because it is the human side of the offence (Graef, 2000; Herman Webster, 2005; Tudor, 2002.) and it places emphasis on repairing relationships which are the tapestry of society (Schiff, 2007). Linda Radzik (2007) argues that restorative justice focuses heavily on the ability of the offender to take positive restorative action (Graef, 2000), she continues to point out that in all cases in order for this action to be fully restorative it must be sincere and voluntary (Umbreit 1994; Menkle-Medow, 2007). It must also be offered for the right reasons and must also be married with other sincere and voluntary efforts on the part of the offender, such as a change in behaviour (Radzik, 2007). Radzik (2007) also goes on to outline the necessary steps the offender needs to complete in order to be considered reformed under the restorative justice concept. One of the main consequences of restorative justice is that the offender is able to heal in a more positive and possibly holistic manner, thus limiting the impact of his suffering, to the criminal justice method of public shaming, this type of indirect shaming does not rehabilitate the offender but usually leads to further anger being internalised and then released as further offending (Graef, 2000). Within this system the offender is treated for the offence, this treatment may be for the psychological, psychiatric or other underlying problem which is underlying the offence committed and may not be limited to traditional medicated treatments but may take the form of counselling, examination of self and emotions and understanding the impact of their actions (Umbriet, 1998; Graef, 2000; Radzik, 2006; Schiff, 2007; Menkle-Medow, 2007). Sutton (2002) states that the restorative justice process provides a concrete manner in which offenders can confront their own behaviour and the damage i t causes. He goes on to say that the object is not to punish the offender of the prisoner but to show how they can become a part of the community even a prison community. Braithwaite (1989 cited in Graef, 2000) countered with the argument that shaming can be a useful tool in the restorative process and once used wisely forms a part of the offenders rehabilitation, this is called rehabilitative shaming. In order for restorative justice to work and healing to take place, the offender must take responsibility for their own actions and the effect on those impacted (Graef, 2000). Walgrave (2007 p.562) agrees that crime is a public event. The following excerpt sums up the result of the act of taking responsibility by the offender: In the restorative process, the victim has the opportunity to witness the offender taking responsibility for his or her actions and apologising for his or her behaviour. For the offender, this means taking responsibility for what happened, but doing so in a context in which he or she is reassured that he or she need to be defined by that action now ostracized forever by family, friends and community. Traditional processes tend to stigmatize both the act and the actor, in the restorative process the two are distinguished so that the offender having acknowledged responsibility and made reparations, can earn his or her way back to acceptance by the community (Brazemore, 1998 cited in Schiff, 2007 p.231). Another important result of the restorative justice process with respect to the offender is its effect on the offenders family. In many instances there are reports of the family of offenders having to hide from the public or even move to other countries, states and deny any relationship with the offender because the public is willing to take their revenge on the family if they cannot have the offender (Tudor, pp 16-19, 2002). This occurs too often to the detriment of the family and the offender. The offender usually look to their family for support, comfort and love no matter how heinous the crime, however if the family or support unit feels endangered by the actions of persons who are not in favour with the offender then they may not want to be in contact or may fall on foul deeds at the hands of another in society who in angry. The offenders also need a support system in order to reintegrate as a productive and valued member, usually loved ones are the bridge which they use to rega in trust and acceptance from society, if this is not there then there maybe a relapse (Graef, 2000, Sutton, 2002). In many cases restorative justice limits the suffering on the family of the offender. Sutton (2002) takes this a little further by proposing that prisons should be seen as extensions of the community and not a separate entity because it makes the offenders visible and he indicates that the prisons are community service vehicles or working communities (Graef, 2000; Sutton, 2002) and need to be seen as such, this he says is achieved through restorative justice. Through this restorative process the offender is able to re-evaluate their actions and use the network of support which is given to ensure that they never re-offend (Graef, 2000; Schiff, 2007). A recent briefing report on expenditure in the criminal courts by the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies (2010) indicated that expenditure in the criminal courts system rose by as much as thirty-one percent to  £1027.89 million within the past three years, while staffing fell by fourteen percent (1,088 staff members) and the number of cases brought to the Crown Court increased by seventeen percent. This is a significant expenditure on any government for a criminal justice system. It is neatly summed up by Schiff (2007) when she stated that the criminal justice system assumes that the government is responsible to address all stakeholder concerns. Pranis (2002) made mention of the skyrocketing cost of punishment, and noted that restorative justice required much less monetary investment as it is about healing and reparations. While Menkle-Medow (2007) stated that restorative justice is less costly and more efficient in monetary and deterrent effects. Due to the fact that restorative justice responds to crime and offences without utilising salaried members of the system (police, legal aid, lawyers, magistrates, clerical personnel, prison personnel, in-house counsellors and hospitals) and solutions within the system (correctional facilities, jails and hospitals) the cost of the offender and victim is much less (Marshall, 1999; Sherman Strang, 2007; Menkle-Medow, 2007). Even delays within the criminal justice system cause increases in cost. In a paper by the Barrow Cadbury Trust there are calculations showing the various costs and savings of diversions of cases from the criminal justice system to the restorative justice and juvenile system. It shows tremendous saving from these diversions in a period of one to five years. Diversions to restorative justice conferencing will realise a savings of  £7,050 per offender; diversions from custody to community orders via changes in sentencing guidelines will realise a savings of  £1,032 per offender and diversions fr om trial under adult law to trial under juvenile law following maturity assessment is likely to produce a lifetime cost saving to society of almost  £420 per offender (Barrow Cadbury Trust, 2009). This will produce significant savings over the life of some cases where preparatory time is high and the chances of winning the case is low This is summarised by Sherman and Strang (2007) in the following quote ..one is to reduce the use of courts for processes that fail to bring offenders to justice. A second is to reduce the use of prisons for offenders whose incarceration does not prevent total crimeà ¢Ã¢â€š ¬Ã‚ ¦. The unintended consequences coming out from the positive side of restorative justice as listed by the National Institute of Justice (2007) involves such things as the co-option of restorative process for coercive or punitive ends; undue offender orientation and the expansion of social control. However according to the National Institute of Justice (2007) these are to be resisted. From the above references and studies conducted restorative justice has shown itself to be not only cost effective but also very effective in reintegrating and re-establishing some sense of normalcy in the lives of some if not most of the victims which were involved in the process. More research needs to be conducted on the variables of restorative justice which in more countries to be able to come to firm and conclusive statements regarding the concept. This research will also bring conclusion to thoughts from Miers et al (2001) who says that restorative justice is time consuming and labour intensive beset by communication problems and delays. Even if restorative justice does not become a mainstream section of the system, it can quite possibly be integrated into the present criminal justice system to deal with offenders or criminals (Walgrave, 2007 p. 569). In this manner he is countered by Sherman Strang (2007) with the following summary views on the effectiveness of restorative j ustice: Crime victims who receive restorative justice do better, than victims who do not, across a wide range of outcomes, including post-traumatic stress. In many tests, offenders who receive restorative justice commit fewer repeat crimes than offenders who do not. In no large-sample test has restorative justice increased repeat offending compared with criminal justice Diversion from prosecution to RJ substantially increases the odds of an offender being brought to justice. Restorative justice can do as well as, or better than, short prison sentences, as measured by repeat offending. Restorative justice reduces stated victim desire for violent revenge against offenders. With these above successes the must be some place in the system for restorative justice.

Paideia, Schole, Paidia: Then and Now :: Philosophy Philosophical Essays

Paideia, Schole, Paidia: Then and Now ABSTRACT: Aristotle centers the citizen’s education (paideia) on leisure (schole). Its features, especially of play (paidia), are evoked to remedy deficiencies in three contemporary philosophies of leisure: classical, critical and communitarian. Paideia, the citizen's education, is extensively tied up with liberal studies in most of Aristotle's discussion in book eight of the Politics. But this tie-up intellectualizes the leisure at their root in the first few chapters of the book. While my undergraduates in leisure studies always need to be drawn up from their sole focus upon sport, perhaps my philosophy colleagues need relief to de-intellectualize paideia back down to schole. There are dimensions of Aristotle's comments which are remedial to contemporary streams of leisure theory. This paper will recapitulate his comments, then apply them to three types of contemporary theory. His first chapter justifies the reason why politics is not meddling when it takes an interest in the formation of its citizens. This is because any constitution will not be workable unless citizens' characters, their virtues, are compatible with it. His second chapter opens what should be taught. Without doubt, useful things should be taught. But not all useful things: useful things which "vulgarize" the citizen should not. To vulgarize is to make one less fit for the practice of virtue, the city's concern. Any occupation, art or science can vulgarize. An occupation will, if it is paid employment; that degrades the mind by absorbing it. An art will, if it deforms the body; the Spartans did that, by their excruciating and savage routines. And a science will, if it is pursued to its perfection of detail. Our bywords about workaholic compulsions, steroid stars, and nerdy scholars, show that we experience the three instances he speaks of, even if paradoxes appear that do not trouble him. Why learn anything at all that is useful, if we can't earn a living at it? How is it virtuous to be never the master but ever a dabbler? Is it not inherent in science to drive us to its ultimate details, one way toward its principles and another toward its applications? These three are more localized problems, however, than his fourth limitation on useful education. That the very same activity is first excluded from the teachable useful, and then is re-included merely by a change in its object, touches our Aristotle with an anachronistic subjectivity, whereby the subject constitutes whatever identity the object has.

Essay --

Diana Abdelfattah March 13, 2014 Communication 101 1) Discuss the ethical issues involved in Internet use. Given an example. There are ethical issues involved in Internet use. One of the ethical issues are being anonymous allows for other people to bully through online use and more crime rates. For example, people are able to steal someone else works online or have someone write a paper for them. Sometimes, people are caught plagiarizing. This is an easy way for people to use someone works by stealing their way to success or passing a class. This all shows that many things you put on the Internet is permanent. Many people forget what they put on Facebook affect how you are perceived or will affect the way people are judged. More importantly many people use social media to bully while being anonymous. This provides an easy way because there are limit amount of laws to regulate this form of abuse. Also technology makes it easy to get away with bullying. Another way ethical issues are violated online is through online scams. People commit crimes such as credit card theft. Hackers can easily use technology to violate someone privacy by stealing information. Also technology makes it easy to have free content online which make it easy to download illegal like movies, music or television show instead of paying for them online. It violates copyright laws and prevents the company from gaining money for the content being used. All of this shows that online privacy is violated on the Internet. This by shows ethical issues involved in Internet use. 2) Explain why perceived differences and similarities are more important to attraction than actual differences and similarities. Give an example. The perceived differences and similarities ar... ... the main thesis (the take-home message) in Bennett, Lawrence, and Livingston (2006)? The main thesis in in Bennett, Lawrence, and Livingston (2006) is the sense that journalist using framing techniques are limited in providing readers with objectivity views. In the way they are force to behave this way thru the government to not shed the facts to be guard dogs. The article states the media fails in being partiality in providing the audience with an objectivity view of news frames. That this leads to the fact that journalists are not able to be independent when writing. Thus the white house holds more of the control of what is written when sent to the masses. Journalists are being guard dogs in the sense that they are limited in the information given and have the information censored. Compared to the journalist in being objective and being watchdogs for the masses.

Historical Analysis Of Jerzy K :: essays research papers

An obscure village in Poland, sheltered from ideas and industrialization, seemed a safe place to store one ¹s most precious valuable: a 6-year-old boy. Or so it seemed to the parents who abandoned their only son to protect him from the Nazis in the beginning of Jerzy Kosinski ¹s provocative 1965 novel The Painted Bird. After his guardian Marta dies and her decaying corpse and hut are accidentally engulfed in flames, the innocent young dark-haired, dark-eyed outcast is obliged to trek from village to village in search of food, shelter, and companionship. Beaten and caressed, chastised and ignored, the unnamed protagonist survives the abuse inflicted by men, women, children and beasts to be reclaimed by his parents 7 years later--a cold, indifferent, and callous individual. The protagonist ¹s experiences and observations demonstrate that the Holocaust was far too encompassing to be contained within the capsule of Germany with its sordid concentration camps and sociopolitical upheaval. Even remote and  ³backward ² villages of Poland were exposed and sucked into the maelstrom of conflict. The significance of this point is that it leads to another logical progression: Reaching further than the Polish villages of 1939, the novel ¹s implications extend to all of us. Not only did Hitler ¹s stain seep into even the smallest crannies of the world at that time, it also spread beyond limits of time and culture. Modern readers, likewise, are implicated because of our humanity. The conscientious reader feels a sense of shame at what we, as humans, are capable of through our cultural mentalities. That is one of the more profound aspects of Kosinski ¹s work. It is this sense of connectedness between cultures, people, and ideas that runs through the book continuously. While the  ³backward ² nonindustrialized villages of Poland seem at first glance to contrast sharply with  ³civilized ² Nazi Germany, Kosinski shows that the two were actually linked by arteries of brutality and bigotry. Both cultures used some form of religious ideology to enforce a doctrine of hate upon selected groups whom they perceived to be inferior. Totalitarian rhetoric and Nietzschian existentialism replace a hybrid of Catholicism, which in turn replaces medieval superstition as the protagonist is carried from the innards of village life to the heart of totalitarian power. In the first several chapters of the novel the little protagonist is firmly convinced that demons and devils are part of the tangible, physical world. He actually sees them. They are not mythological

Move and position Essay

1:1 Outline the anatomy and physiology of the human body in relation to the importance of correct moving and positioning of individuals The anatomy which the physical structure of the body and physiology which is the normal functions of the body help individuals to move their limbs. Muscles have the power of contraction thus it produce movement of the body and allow the bones to work like hinges. When moving someone/individual it is important to remember that the muscles can only move the joint as far as the bones will allow them. 1:2 Describe the impact of specific conditions on the correct movement and positioning of an individual If an individual has suffer from a stroke this may cause loss of movement in the limbs on one side of the body (hemiplegia). In that case it is very important to remember that when you are assisting an individual with regards to dressing you need to dress the individual firstly the bad side and when undressing him/her you do the bad side lastly to prevent discomfort. Read more: Identify any immediate risks to the individual essay Therefore that mean by following this procedure you are not pulling their muscles in the wrong direction. 2:1 Describe how legislation and agreed ways of working affect working practices related to moving and positioning individuals How legislation and agreed ways of working affect working practices: Current, local, UK and European legislation affects procedures and practices. This include Manual Handling Operations Regulations 1992 (as amended 2004), Reporting of Injuries, Health and Safety at Work Act 1974 (England, Wales and Scotland) Health and Safety at Work (Northern Ireland) order 1 978, Lifting operations and lifting Equipment Regulation (1998( – LOLER, The Workplace (Health, Safety and Welfare) Regulations 1992, Diseases and Dangerous Occurrences Regulations (RIDDOR) 1995, Provision and Use of Work Equipment Regulations (PUWER) 1998, Management of Health and Safety at Work Regulations (MHSWR) 1999; Disability Discrimination Act (1995), Human Rights Act (1998). In the workplace there is Code of Practice and Conduct, Standards and Guidance relevant to individual’s role and responsibilities eg health and safety policies, moving and handling policies, moving and handling techniques, Policies on information sharing, risk assessment documentation, individual care plans, infection control procedures, recording and reporting procedures ect. All these policies and procedures can affect our working practices for example Manual and Handling is about supporting the weight of someone or moving them yourself by using an equipment, If you do not carry this procedures safely it could result injury to self, to service user and other individual that are working with you. The Health and Safety Work Act (1974) state that 50% or all accident reported each year are from assisting people with manual and handling. The regulation that are set impose duties on employers, self- employed and employees, they state that employers must avoid all hazardous manual handling activities where it is practical to do so. Employees must follow the work system set by the employer to promote care for the health and safety of self and others, comply with the requirement imposed on the employer, never misuse or interfere with anything provided for health, safety and welfare. Also use material or equipment only according to recommended procedures. 2:2 Describe what health and safety factors need to be taken into account when moving and positioning individual and any equipment used to do this Health and safety factors that need to take into account when moving and positioning individual and any equipment used to do this are as follows: Environmental hazards: wet or slippery floor, wires that are hanging or are on the floor and items in the immediate area that could cause a trip or a fall or preventing you to move freely when using equipment, precautions for infection prevention and controls, ensuring any equipment is ready for use and fault free, individual trained in the use of any equipment and have the skills for the moving and positioning required; any factors that might affect the individual’s ability to move or position others eg physical disability or injury, pregnancy or other medical condition; procedures to minimise risk of injury (back injury) to the individual carrying out the moving and handling; importance of not dragging including effect on pressure sores; importance of wearing suitable clothing that allows free movement when bending or stretching; suitable, safe footwear, equipment eg hoists, slides, slide sheets, slings, pillows. 3:3 Identify any immediate risks to the individual: The immediate risks to the individual are as follows environmental factors, equipment, service user and person involved in the moving and handling. The service user could be in danger or harm if procedures has not carried out correctly, individual could be at risk of infection, it could cause pain, discomfort or friction from moving, not having proper moving and handling techniques could be a risk to individual. Those assisting in the moving and handling, others within the environment and servicer. Equipment can be faulty. Risk can occur any time at your work place that why it is important to always check and identify risks and try to correct it straight away ( ie) if you are using a sling to hoist a service user and it has a tear on it no matter how small the risk is, if it is not being corrected straight away this could lead to a big risk and may cause detrimental damage to self, service user and others involved. Therefore a risk assessment plan should be in place so that it can be changed and implement as to requirement of service user’s needs. 3:4 Describe actions to take in relation to identified risks Action that needs to be taken in relation to identified risk are as follows: To report it to Nurse in Charge on duty or Manager so that risk assessment plan can be updated. Ensure service user and all people involved in the care are made aware of the changes, ensure staff are implement procedures according the update risk assessment. Ensure the plan design comply with the trust requirement policy and staff are working within those guidelines. Communicating with the team to find out from staff whether the plan in place are working or any changes needs to be done. 3:5 Describe what action should be taken if the individual’s wishes conflict with their plan of care in relation to health and safety and their risk assessment Policy and procedures in relation to moving and handling may conflict with service user wishes. Due accident that happening in workplace due to lifting. Many workplace has now adopted NO-Lifting policy which means that hoists are to use according to their needs. However on many occasions service user do not want to be hoisted and if dealt with it incorrectly, it could leave service user feeling scared, undignified, humiliated, distressed and degraded. As much as employees has to follow policies but you find yourself in trouble due to basic human right may have been violated. .To prevent conflict between service user and workplace policies relating moving and positioning you must involve service user in their own risk assessment and mobility service plan if appropriate. . Risk assessment to be focus on service user needs only on Employer needs. . Patient Centred Care Plan with agreement to service user taking into account requirement needs. . Wishes of service user need to be balanced to ensure employer are not putting themselves at risk through moving and positioning activities. By involving service user in their care this will promote independence, autonomy and dignity. Service user may change and mobility can improve or deteriorate – which may lead changes to their mind on how they wish to be moved or positioned. If their wishes conflict with their plan of support, it is important to document this in the service user care plan and inform the manager and outside agency that are involved in the care of the service user. 6:1Describe when advice and/or assistance should be sought to move or handle an individual safely You would seek advice: . When individual that need moving has preferences that conflict with safe practice. . When risk cannot be dealt with . When equipment appears to be worn, damaged or unsafe to use . When techniques or equipment used require more than one person to use it safely . When working unaided would exceed personal handling limit . When individual care plan and/or risk assessment cannot be follow as planned . When Organisational policies and procedures cannot be followed. 6:2 Describe what sources of information are available about moving and positioning Sources about moving and positioning is available within the work setting such as policies, procedures and manuals, there is also advice from other practitioners such as nurse, welfare officer, physiotherapist or team advising on health and safety eg back care, sources external to the setting including local authority, primary care trust and organisations promoting health and safety and caring for those with physical disability, Back care advisor (BCA).

Wasted years

This Is certainly a period somewhat unique as unlike the ass and ass, Britain did not experience a recession. Therefore It can be argued that the 13 years were not wasted In regards to the economy, as successive Tory governments managed to keep the economy healthy. However, although on the surface the economic situation looked promising, In reality the 13 years of Tory rule were unable to stem Britain's relative economic decline. Chancellors across this period often employ a system of â€Å"stop-go† economics whereby the economy Is inhered with strategically in order to make political gains.This occurred in 1959 when Chancellor Butler gave tax cuts of El 34 million to the middle classes just in time for the election. Although this was politically successful it was not wise, as after the boom came the inevitable bust, leaving the economy weakened. In addition, the Conservatives governments continued the post-war policy of appeasing the trade unions. For instance: when Macmillan was faced with striking railways, he increased their pay by 5% instead of the recommended 3%.This avoided infiltration but was economically unsustainable, as seen by the strikes in the ass and ass. There was a trend of difficult decision being avoided. Operation ROBOT, a plan to restructure industry, was cancelled by Churchill, and industrial stagnation continued. Also notable is Macmillan refusal to cut spending, which in 1958 led to the resignation of Chancellor Theretofore and two other members of the treasury, Birch and Powell. Historians such as Barnett argue these were key missed opportunities which eventually led to the much greater problems of the sass.Overall, the Tory governments of the 13 years between 1951 and 1964 should be considered a waste in regards to economy as despite ensuring short term prosperity, they consistently failed to make tough long term decisions and restructure the economy. In foreign policy, there were also some successes, although they were few In number and as always there were not without their failures. Disconsolation finally became an issue during this time, particularly after Macmillan â€Å"winds of change speech†, which committed Britain to further disconsolation.This was a success, as It appeared Britain was finally realizing Its own significantly reduced role on the world stage and because it was accomplished despite tough opposition from many Conservative backbenchers. However, failures and missed opportunities seem to outweigh this success. â€Å"Delusions of grandeur† were seen throughout, notably when Churchill attempted to organism a three party conference between Brutal, the US, and the USSR, falling to recognize we were not a power on par with the other two. The US and a â€Å"post-Suez hangover† which reduced Britain's role on the world stage.However, most important is the fact that Britain failed to engage in the SEC while there was a chance – Churchill and Eden foolishly threw aw ay our chances of being at the heart of Europe during the â€Å"open door years†, which meant years left in the cold and Joining on poor terms in 1974. It is clear that in the areas of foreign policy, the years were somewhat wasted – through holding delusions of grandeur, pursuing foolish wars, and most importantly, â€Å"missing the bus† on Europe, which could have been a chance of escaping relative economic decline.In domestic affairs, Macmillan in particular can claim some notable success. All the Conservative governments retained and embraced the welfare state left by Tattle's Labor government, but Macmillan was able to extend on their work, building 300,000 new houses per year. In addition, the Conservatives only denominational steel, and Hennessey suggests that this allowed prosperity. Education was also improved, with poorer students being more able to gain grants for university. This was an admirable achievement in social mobility.However, immigration be came an increasingly worrying issue as the period went on. Marry argues that Conservative governments â€Å"locked the courage to speak out against immigration or the will to stop it†. Race riots occurred, such as in Noting Hill in 1958. In addition, the tripartite system of school was criticized as secondary moderns and technical schools were either neglected or sparse. Therefore, although the governments created an affluent society, they were also wasting opportunities in domestic policy.It could also be seen that the Conservatives only continued with leslies such as the welfare state to meet their own ends, rather than any actual ideological commitment. To conclude, it would be overly harsh to suggest that the thirteen years were solely wasted. Affluence increased, disconsolation was accepted, and by the end of the period the importance of the SEC had at least been realized. However, the Conservatives did waste opportunities through continuing with â€Å"stop- go' economi cs, failing to Join the SEC, and excessively appeasing the unions. Therefore, while it is not entirely wasted, it was certainly a time of missed opportunities.